Relay-Version: version B 2.10 5/3/83; site utzoo.UUCP Posting-Version: version B 2.10.1 6/24/83; site gargoyle.UChicago.UUCP Path: utzoo!watmath!clyde!cbosgd!ihnp4!crsp!gargoyle!carnes From: carnes@gargoyle.UChicago.UUCP (Richard Carnes) Newsgroups: net.politics,net.politics.theory Subject: Re: What is socialism? Message-ID: <325@gargoyle.UChicago.UUCP> Date: Wed, 6-Feb-85 11:37:47 EST Article-I.D.: gargoyle.325 Posted: Wed Feb 6 11:37:47 1985 Date-Received: Thu, 7-Feb-85 03:59:07 EST Organization: U. Chicago - Computer Science Lines: 125 Xref: watmath net.politics:7397 net.politics.theory:16 [IQ test for readers of net.politics: Prove that your IQ is at least 45 by posting followups to this article to net.politics.theory, where discussions on the nature of socialism belong.] Libertarians have claimed that "socialism" implies sacrificing the individual for the sake of the collectivity, again illustrating their disinclination to study socialist theory and learn something about what they are talking about. Having learned all about socialism from Ayn Rand, they need not bother reading socialist writings. I have news for JoSH and others: the ideals of democratic socialism, and of Marx and Engels, do not include trampling on the individual for the sake of society. If I thought that was the case, I would repudiate socialism. As a sample of socialist writing I have appended a passage by Henry Pachter below to save you the trouble of looking it up. I have no illusions that this article will do much good: arguing with libertarians is an exercise in futility, like arguing with children. I have so far counted exactly two libertarians out of the many on net.politics who show a capacity for rational thought: D. K. Mc Kiernan and Laura Creighton; the rest retreat to dogmatism. From Pachter: "Socialism strives to abolish exploitation and inequality. It seeks a society where merit and character are the only marks of distinction; where economic resources are controlled by public agencies, themselves under public scrutiny; where production is geared to the human needs of all and the product is distributed equitably; a society, finally, where man is no longer utilized as a means for purposes alien to him. "In practice, however, socialism has usually come to be identified with "collectivism," and two of its best known features are public ownership of the means of production and a comprehensive "plan" of production and distribution. "These are indeed characteristic of states that now call themselves "socialist," but a moment's reflection will show that they are inadequate to define socialism. Nationalization is not socialization, and a plan must have a purpose: it may be designed to enhance the development of man's potentialities or it may be the instrument of national ambitions. The Inca state and Egypt of the Pharaohs featured both public ownership and a plan, but paired with servitude and exploitation. Spartan communism subjected all citizens to equal political repression. Bismarck nationalized the railroads and the health service; Hitler's war machine was powered by a planned "command economy." Some modern states have adopted a rapid industrialization plan which -- though praiseworthy in its intention -- ruthlessly subordinates the desires of the citizens to the needs of the state. Others have abolished the market for political reasons without, however, freeing the production units from the tyranny of profit calculations that continue to keep the workers under the yoke of exploitation. "To call this "socialism" is to misuse a good word. Socialism is not a technocratic scheme designed to run the capitalist economy more efficiently, nor is it an economy that has merely been rid of capitalistic parasites. Socialists hope to emancipate people from serving goals that have been imposed on them either by arbitrary masters or by abstract laws of economic development. They aim to make people responsible for their own destiny and to give everybody a chance to fulfill his or her aspirations as a person. This dream has been expressed in the socialist literature of all times. I shall cite one source that, because it may not be guessed easily, is especially significant: In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and antagonisms, we shall have an association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all. "In most anthologies this sentence is the conclusion of the *Communist Manifesto* for it is indeed the end of its theoretical exposition. It must be assumed that Marx and Engels worded this ending with special care, and it is therefore noteworthy that they said "association" instead of "state," and that they did not consider the development of the whole a condition for the development of each, but on the contrary "THE DEVELOPMENT OF EACH THE CONDITION FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF ALL." "I do not consider Marx and Engels oracles, but it is significant that these alleged "collectivists" placed the individual ahead of the collective. True, they proposed to abolish "private property," but not to put state property in its place. Their "association" was supposed to abolish the relationship of property between capital and worker, between dead and living labor; it was to substitute a direct, human relationship of cooperation for the mediated, material relationship of property and profitability. "Socialism has inherited this emancipatory dream from a long tradition of democratic revolutionary thinkers; as is well known, their revolutions were side-tracked and ended in capitalism -- with individualism frozen in the property relationship and opportunity confined to the class of owners. Socialism continues the movement of emancipation that was started in the eighteenth century, and it wants to spread individualism to all, removing the fetters that capitalism has clasped on the fulfillment of many human aspirations. Freedom is not a luxury to be enjoyed only by the members of a ruling elite, but a basic human aspiration that was brought to flower only in the unique development of Western civilization, and it is still waiting for full and generalized realization. Civil rights and human rights are still expanding, and their wider scope is on the agenda of socialism. FAR FROM SUBDUING THE INDIVIDUAL, SOCIALISM IS THE HIGHEST STAGE OF INDIVIDUALISM -- ITS FRUITION FOR ALL. "As an association of people, the socialist society certainly must reflect the democratic structure and behavior of its origin -- the socialist movement. Readers interested in political theory may have noticed that in the passage I cited Marx and Engels fell into the language of Rousseau, although on other occasions they were highly critical of theories that attribute the founding of the state to a "contract"; but when they wrote the *Manifesto* they still saw the socialist revolution as the direct outgrowth of the democratic spirit of that revolution, they saw "the association" as the means to mediate between the demands of society and the rights of the individual. They could not conceive of a society (much less a state) that would set itself goals other than those that the citizens themselves had made their own. "But socialism begins with the insight that the whole is more than the sum of its parts. The association can envisage goals that unassociated individuals might not even be able to conceive. This is an opportunity as well as a danger. In the following pages I shall discuss problems that have arisen for socialism out of the conflict between the will of the whole and the will of the parts: how much freedom may smaller associations (the shop, the region, the profession, the ethnic or religious fraternity) reserve vis-a-vis the big association (the nation, an international authority)? How much discipline or obedience can the larger community expect from the smaller and from the individual? When does the public ethos prevail over the private conscience?" [Henry Pachter] And if you want to know Pachter's answers you will have to read the rest of his article, in *Beyond the Welfare State*, ed. I. Howe. Richard Carnes, ihnp4!gargoyle!carnes