Path: utzoo!attcan!uunet!seismo!sundc!pitstop!sun!amdcad!ames!mailrus!iuvax!rutgers!mcnc!ecsvax!julie%thrive@media-lab.media.mit.edu From: julie%thrive@media-lab.media.mit.edu (Julie Rohwein) Newsgroups: comp.society.women Subject: Re: Preponderance of women as tech-support people Message-ID: <5313@ecsvax.uncecs.edu> Date: 13 Sep 88 17:40:18 GMT References: <5697@ecsvax.uncecs.edu> Sender: skyler@ecsvax.uncecs.edu Organization: MIT Media Lab Lines: 66 Approved: skyler@ecsvax.uncecs.edu (Moderator -- Trish Roberts) Comments-to: comp-women-request@cs.purdue.edu Submissions-to: comp-women@cs.purdue.edu In article <5697@ecsvax.uncecs.edu> roy@phri (Roy Smith) writes: > > I've noticed that when I call a computer company for tech support, >I tend to get to talk to a woman more often than I get to talk to a man. >I'm not talking about the first N levels of people you get to talk to (who >are also mostly women) but when you finally get to talk to somebody who >really knows what is going on. Why is that? I've got several theories: I ran across a researcher last year whose work is pertinent to this observation. His name is Phillip Kraft, and he teaches at one of the SUNY campuses. (Specific information is in my thesis box, which I have yet to unbox. maybe next week :-)). Over the last ten years or so, he has been looking into the status of women in computing, specifically in software. When I heard him speak, he presented a number of interesting results. (If anyone is interested, specific citations will be available when the aforementioned box is unboxed. 1. Survey of a number of persons with "software-type" job classifications -- I don't remember the number off hand Participants were asked to estimate the amount of time spent on the job in various activities. These activities included technical things like coding, debugging and designing, organizational type things like meetings and memo writing, service activities and sales related activites. A cluster analysis (which plots variables based on the frequency with which they occur together), revealed an interesting organizational chart. It showed a technical track and a sales track, both of which merged into a managerial track. These areas were overwelming populated by males. Females, on the other hand, by and large, inhabited an area characterized by "soft and fuzzy" descriptors: dealing with customer complaints, "hand holding", troubleshooting. The female cluster was quite isolated from the other data. Also, the female cluster contained a wide variety of job titles, ie it was not just that most women had service-type, but that in whatever job category they fell into, women found themselves in these roles. 2. Analysis of the types of software jobs held by men and women, along with salaries received revealed a "woman's track" in computer related work. Women tended to hold jobs with little or no possibility of advancement within the place of employment. Analysis of salaries revealed a "woman's salary" as well. When examined versus time spent in the profession, women's salary levels plateaued after a few years, while men's salaries continued to climb. The talk included some intersting anecdotal information as well. Kraft noted that computer programming began as an entirely female profession. As an earlier poster noted, the first programmers were drawn from "computation" departments which prior to electronic computers consisted of women with pencils and paper and BA's in mathematics. Men did not enter the profession in any numbers until the early fifties when the rise of NORAD brought an large influx of money and interest to software development. julie rohwein julie@media-lab.media.mit.edu ...!mit-eddie!media-lab!julie